Itâs difficult to know who reads a fact sheet, listens to a radio broadcast or watches a farmer learning video, but those of us who produce such information always want to know what happens to it, once it leaves our hands. In 2011 my colleagues at Access Agriculture tried a new way to do audience research. Access Agriculture and partners distributed 20,000 copies of a DVD on striga (the devil weed) across East Africa. Each copy contained a questionnaire, formatted as a letter, asking the viewers to tick off a few boxes and mail back the letter in the post. No one bothered to return the survey.
So in 2015, PhD candidate GĂ©rard Zoundji tried a slightly different way to get feedback from viewers in Benin, as he explains in a recent paper in Cogent Food & Agriculture. First he compiled a DVD in five languages, with nine different videos on growing vegetables. Next, GĂ©rard distributed his DVD through the private sector, mainly through agro-input dealers and people who sell movie DVDs. Previously DVDs had been distributed through extension providers, NGOs or government agencies, not from small shops.
GĂ©rard asked the vendors to collect names and phone numbers of people who bought the DVD, so he could do follow up work with the buyers. GĂ©rard gave the vendors the DVDs for free, in exchange for their cooperation, but allowed them to keep the equivalent of a dollar or two which they collected for each sale. He also tried a new way of doing follow up. He put a sticker in the DVD jacket, with a note inviting the recipients to phone in if they had questions. The number was for a SIM card that GĂ©rard bought, just to receive such calls.
It was a pleasant surprise when people started phoning in. Of 562 who bought the DVD, a whopping 341 phoned GĂ©rard. Some just called to say how much they had enjoyed watching the videos. Others wanted to share their story. Nearly 20% of them had been so eager to watch the videos that they bought their own DVD player. Others called to ask where they could buy the drip irrigation equipment featured on one of the videos.
The six agro-input dealers who were selling the DVD were also impressed with the video on drip irrigation, and the interest it inspired in farmers. Two of these dealers actually began to stock drip irrigation supplies themselves.
As Paul has written in an earlier post, farmers who have been exposed to drip irrigation through development projects usually abandon drip irrigation once the project ends. Projects usually make little effort to involve the private sector. Yet here were dealers who were motivated enough to find out where to buy the drip irrigation equipment, and stock it, in response to interest shown by farmers who had watched a video. Sometimes simply watching a video can excite people more than participating in a full project.
I am always delighted to learn about someone using a cell phone in a new way, especially if it involves giving rural people the chance to make their voices heard. A sticker inside a DVD cover was enough to encourage buyers of a DVD to call in with comments.
Since publishing the paper, GĂ©rard has been discussing with Ministry of Agriculture staff in Benin about ways to design an advisory service via phone call.
Agro-input dealers and movie DVDs sellers, including some who were not involved in the study are now requesting new DVDs to sell.
In this story we see the phone was linked with the DVD. Both are ICTs (information and communication technologies), but the connection between the two was one of the oldest ICTs: the printed word on paper.
Zoundji, GĂ©rard C., Florent Okry, Simplice D. VodouhĂȘ, and Jeffery W. Bentley 2016 âThe Distribution of Farmer Learning Videos: Lessons from Non-Conventional Dissemination Networks in Benin.â Cogent Food & Agriculture 2(1):1277838. https://www.accessagriculture.org/publications
Related blog stories
Watch all nine of the vegetable videos
One of the most common questions about farmer training videos is how farmers will watch them if they donât have electricity to run a projector, or own a laptop. As mobile communications improve, however, new ways are emerging that are making it easier for farmers to download, view and share videos.
This week, at a workshop in Tamil Nadu, southern India, my colleague Jeff and I were teaching local partners to validate fact sheets on major crop pests and diseases with farmers. We all learned a lot from farmers who read first drafts, and commented on their content. The fact sheets than served as basis on which partners developed scripts for training videos. Before leaving the village I was again reminded that farmers no longer need expensive hardware (such as a computer or TV and DVD player) to watch videos.
Technology has evolved swiftly and influenced lives in rural areas in ways that were hard to imagine a decade ago. Over the past decade mobile phone companies in developing countries have been offering financial services that are just beginning to see the light in Western countries.
The boom in mobile phone use has triggered new types of service providers. Teenagers in Nigeria and many other African countries now tap power from solar panels to charge the mobile phones of rural folks coming to the weekly market.
Last year, GĂ©rard Zoundji (from the University of Abomey-Calavi) sent me photographs of a farmer in southern Benin who had watched farmer training videos about vegetables on his mobile phone. Someone had bought a DVD at the local agro-input shop and converted the videos from the DVD into 3gp format to watch on his mobile. Farmers are now able to watch videos even without DVD players.
This week in India I saw farmers go one step further, and download videos. Kannappan, one of the trainees from the local NGO MSSRF, was chatting with some of the village farmers when one of them, Ramesh Permal, mentioned he was rearing fish in a pond. ICT-savvy Kannappan took out his mobile phone, connected to the Access Agriculture website, and searched among all Tamil videos, and found one on raising fingerlings. It took him less than 3 minutes to download the video to his mobile. Mr. Permal and another farmer then took out their smart phones, and swiftly connected to Kannappanâs mobile . The video file was nearly 50 Mb, but they transferred it to their mobile in just over 10 seconds using the SHAREit app. For ease of downloading to mobile phones when there is not a very good internet connection, Access Agriculture has also made all videos in its library available in 3gp format, which is about half the size.
After having said goodbye to the farmers, one of them saw the Access Agriculture website address (www.accessagriculture.org) on the back of my t-shirt and asked if he could take a photograph of it (with his phone). He would use the address to download more quality training videos in his own language.
Farmers may not have computers, but they are starting to get smart phones. Some smallholders rely on extensionists to get electronic information, but others are starting to use their phones to access information on their own, directly from the internet.
We are grateful to the MS Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF) and the Krishi Vigyan Kendra (Farmer Science Centre) for helping to organise the workshop and field visits.
Related blog stories:
In most countries, men and women have different styles of speaking. But is it possible for a community to have two completely different languages, one for men and one for women, not just for one generation, but sustained for a long time?
If such diglossia (a dual language system) is possible, imagine the decisions one would have to make while engaging with such a community. Makers of educational videos might have to make two soundtracks for a single community. An agricultural extensionist would have to choose which language to use for a talk.
As strange as it may seem, at least one society did come close to having two, gender-based languages, which were spoken over several generations. Â In the 17th century, the people of the Caribbean Island of Dominica told a story that they said took place some generations before the coming of the Europeans, when the islands of the Lesser Antilles had been inhabited by people who spoke an Arawak language. Then the islands were attacked by canoe-loads of men who spoke a Carib language. The invaders killed the local men, and then settled down with the women.
The two languages were extremely different, but the children born after the invasion grew up speaking both of them. All children learned the Arawak language of their mothers, but when the boys became teenagers they started spending more time with the men, and began to speak Carib among themselves. The Islanders developed a version of Carib that became a language for men only.
In 1665, Father Raymond Breton, a French missionary, published a two-volume dictionary of the language then spoken on the islands of Dominica and St. Vincent. The dictionary specified whether each word was used by men, or by women.
Various scholars have questioned the historical accuracy of the Carib invasion story. It is possible that the menâs language originated through trade or migration. Â We will never know if Carib men of the 13th century once rampaged across the island beaches, murdering Arawak men and capturing women. There is no historical or archaeological evidence for (or against) this story. Yet the linguistic data are well documented. There is no doubt that in the 1650s, over much of the Lesser Antilles, men and women spoke in two remarkably different codes. The two genders used the same sounds, and most of the same grammar, but menâs words were from Carib, and womenâs words were from Arawak. (The men could speak the womenâs language, and would speak it when socializing with women. The menâs language was only used between men).
If you could time travel to the Island of Dominica in the 17th century, and were able to speak the full range of menâs and womenâs languages, a talk with the whole community would sooner or later switch to the womenâs language, because it was everyoneâs first tongue.
In agricultural extension today, sometimes it helps to create a space where women can easily speak up, so that their concerns can be addressed. It is easy to start to think that men and women are very different, but it is also worth remembering that in some ways we are the same, and that language can unite us.
Allaire, Louis 1980 âOn the Historicity of Carib Migrations in the Lesser Antilles.â American Antiquity 45(2):238-245.
Boucher, Philip P. 2009 Cannibal Encounters: Europeans and Island Caribs, 1492â1763. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Davis, Dave D. and R. Christopher Goodwin 1990 âIsland Carib Origins: Evidence and Nonevidence.â American Antiquity 55(1):37-48.
Taylor, Douglas 1954 âDiachronic Note on the Carib Contribution to Island Carib.â International Journal of American Linguistics 20(1):28-33.
Taylor, Douglas R. and Berend J. Hoff 1980 âThe Linguistic Repertory of the Island-Carib in the Seventeenth Century: The Men’s Language: A Carib Pidgin?â Â International Journal of American Linguistics 46(4):301-312.
Watch a video on women in agricultural extension, here.
Vea la versiĂłn en espaĂ±ol a continuaciĂłn.
Smallholder farmers get most of their new ideas from other farmers, that is, from friends, neighbors and relatives. The farmersâ friends usually live nearby. But other than convenience, the friends are valued because they are trusted. What works for my friends might work for me.
We saw a new twist on this a couple of months ago in Malawi when Ronald Kondwani Udedi and I were interviewing farmers who had watched learning videos distributed by DJs: young entrepreneurs who sell entertainment videos.
Most of the videos had been made elsewhere (not in Malawi). The videos, on rice, striga (the parasitic weed), and chilli had then been narrated in some of the local languages (Chichewa, Senna and Yao). When we spoke with smallholders in Malawi, they often called the farmers in the videos their âfriendsâ, as we heard from Fadwick Matolo, in Ulolo village, near Phalombe. See blog here. The videos themselves do not say that the farmers are âfriends,â and the Malawian farmers had received the videos coldâso to speakâwith no extensionist to suggest that the folks on the screen were âfriends.â The Malawian farmers themselves had decided (each one independently of other farmers) that the people on the screen were their friends. At first I found this puzzling.
For example, Hope Mazungwi, in Stolo Village, near Mulanje, took the videos to a âvideo showâ (like a village cinema) where the owner let him play some of the videos. Hope recalls âWe saw that our friends are doing amazing things. The rice has big eyes.â Hopeâs friends, in this case, were farmers that he had never met, in faraway Mali.
Esme Stena, near Chombe, watched the videos at a friendâs house and later told us âOur friends in the video, they keep rice seed in a clay pot. Does that mean that we should also keep our rice seed in a clay pot?â In this case, Esmeâs âfriendsâ were women farmers in Bangladesh.
I had earlier noticed that farmers in Uganda referred to the smallholders on the screen as âour brothers and sisters.â
The farmer learning videos are filmed with farmers in various countries, but are made to be shown all over the world. After all, tropical smallholders are already watching entertainment movies from foreign countries; they can just as easily watch learning videos from elsewhere. These learning videos are well-made, capturing the viewersâ attention with music, engaging interviews, beautiful photography, and relevant topics. The videos feature relaxed farmers, speaking from the heart about practical ideas that really work. They are honest farmers, who are not acting, and they gain the trust of the audience. With trust comes friendship.
You can listen to another Malawian farmer, Mr. Mpinda, tell how he adopted a new crop, after learning about it from his âfriendsâ on the chilli videos here.
You can watch all of the farmer learning videos, in many languages at www.accessagriculture.org.
You can read âMalawi DJs distribute videos to farmers,â here.
And âThe mud on their legs,â about farmersâ reaction to learning videos in Uganda, here.
11 de diciembre del 2016, por Jeff Bentley
Los campesinos sacan la mayorĂa de sus nuevas ideas de otros agricultores, o sea, de sus amigos, vecinos y parientes. Los amigos de los agricultores normalmente viven cerca. Pero mĂĄs allĂĄ de la cercanĂa, los amigos son apreciados por la confianza. Lo que funciona para mis amigos podrĂa funcionar para mĂ.
Vimos otra faceta de esto hace un par de meses en Malawi cuando Ronald Kondwani Udedi y yo nos entrevistĂĄbamos con agricultores que habĂan visto los videos didĂĄcticos distribuidos por los DJs: jĂłvenes empresarios que venden pelĂculas en video.
La mayorĂa de los videos habĂan sido hechos en otro lado (no en Malawi). Los videos, sobre el arroz, la striga (la maleza parasĂtica), y el chile habĂan sido narrados en algunos de los idiomas locales (Chichewa, Senna y Yao). Cuando hablamos con los campesinos en Malawi, a menudo decĂan que los agricultores en los videos eran sus âamigosâ, como escuchamos de Fadwick Matolo, en la aldea de Ulolo, cerca de Phalombe. Vea el blog aquĂ. Los mismos videos no dicen que los agricultores son âamigos,â y los campesinos de Malawi recibieron los videos sin facilitaciĂłn, sin extensionistas o alguien que sugiriera que las personas en la pantalla eran âamigos.â Eran los agricultores en Malawi quienes habĂan decidido (cada uno independientemente de los otros campesinos) que las mujeres y hombres en la pantalla eran sus amigos. Al principio me pareciĂł extraĂ±o.
Por ejemplo, Hope Mazungwi, en la aldea de Stolo, cerca de Mulanje, llevĂł los videos a un âvideo showâ (como un cine rural) donde el dueĂ±o le permitiĂł mostrar algunos de los videos. Hope se acuerda que âVimos que nuestros amigos hacen cosas increĂbles. Su arroz tiene granos grandes.â Los amigos de Hope, en este caso, eran agricultores que Ă©l ni conocĂa, en el lejano MalĂ.
Esme Stena, cerca de Chombe, vio los videos en la casa de una vecina, y luego nos contĂł âNuestras amigas en el video guardan su semilla de arroz en una olla de barro. ÂżEso significa que nosotras tambiĂ©n deberĂamos guardar nuestra semilla de arroz en una olla de barro?â En este caso, las âamigasâ de Esme eran campesinas en Bangladesh.
Antes, me llamĂł la atenciĂłn que los agricultores en Uganda llamaban a los campesinos en la pantalla ânuestros hermanos y hermanas.â
Los videos didĂĄcticos para campesinos se filman con agricultores en varios paĂses, pero se los hacen para mostrar en todo el mundo. La verdad, los campesinos en los trĂłpicos ya ven pelĂculas de otros paĂses; bien pueden ver videos educativos de otros lugares. Estos videos educativos estĂĄn bien hechos; capturan la atenciĂłn del pĂșblico con mĂșsica, entrevistas reales, linda fotografĂa y temas relevantes. Los videos muestran agricultores relajados, hablando sinceramente sobre ideas prĂĄcticas que les han funcionado. Son agricultores reales, no actores y ganan la confianza del pĂșblico. Con la confianza viene la amistad.
Para ver mĂĄs
Usted puede a otro agricultor en Malawi, el Sr. Mpinda, quien nos cuenta cĂłmo adoptĂł un nuevo cultivo, despuĂ©s de escucharlo de sus âamigosâ en los videos sobre el chile aquĂ.
Se puede ver todos los videos agrĂcolas didĂĄcticos, en muchos idiomas en www.accessagriculture.org.
Para leer mĂĄs
Se puede leer âMalawi DJs distribute videos to farmers,â aquĂ.
Y âThe mud on their legs,â sobre la reacciĂłn de los agricultores a los videos didĂĄcticos en Uganda, aquĂ.
Vea la versiĂłn en espaĂ±ol a continuaciĂłn.
Social media can be used to help manage a natural resource, as we saw recently in Bolivia. Every year, in Cochabamba, the municipal government puts up Christmas decorations, including strings of lights wrapped around trees. But no one bothers to take the lights down. A few still flicker from time to time, almost a year after being hammered onto the tree. The iron in the nails is toxic for the trees, and the nail holes are wounds that allow disease to enter. The workers climbing up and down the trees also damage some of them.
Cochabamba has a group opposed to cutting trees (No a la Tala de Ărboles en Cochabamba). The group plants trees, holds meetings and raises public awareness through information. Members of the group began to notice these trash ornaments, and they knew that the wires and nails were bad for tree health. The city had already lost too many trees to construction, drought and disease (especially a phytoplasma on the China berry treeâMelia azedarach). Some members of âNo a la Talaâ posted photos of the dangling lights and brief notes on the groupâs Facebook page.
Local groups can be quite large. This one has 13,025 âfriendsâ, and they responded immediately. They coined a slogan, âput more lights in your brains, and fewer in our trees.â The newspaper and local bloggers began to run stories suggesting that old ornaments be cleaned up, and that new ones be more carefully done, and not placed in living trees. The city is slowly beginning to take action, removing some of the old strings of lights, and there is growing public concern that the ornaments can harm trees.
City trees are shared by many people, like any common property resource, such as the sea, or irrigation water, or grazing land. As the ecologist Garret Hardin noticed years ago in his paper âThe Tragedy of the Commons,â (1968) a common resource is hard to manage when so many people use it. However, today social media can help communities to notice problems, and to organize themselves to create solutions.
4 de diciembre del 2016, por Jeff Bentley
Los medios sociales se pueden usar para ayudar a manejar un recurso natural, como vimos recientemente en Bolivia. Cada aĂ±o, en Cochabamba, el gobierno municipal instala adornos navideĂ±os, incluso cables de lucecitas amarrados a los ĂĄrboles. Pero nadie toma la molestia de bajar las luces. Algunas todavĂa chispean de vez en cuando, casi un aĂ±o despuĂ©s de haber sido clavados al ĂĄrbol. El hierro en los clavos es tĂłxico para los ĂĄrboles, y los agujeros son heridas que dejan entrar enfermedades. Los trabajadores tambiĂ©n hacen daĂ±o a medida que trepan y se bajan de los ĂĄrboles.
La ciudad tiene un grupo, No a la Tala de Ărboles en Cochabamba, que planta ĂĄrboles, tiene reuniones y concientiza al pĂșblico a travĂ©s de la informaciĂłn. Miembros del grupo empezaron a fijarse en los adornos basurales, y sabĂan que los alambres y clavos daĂ±aban la salud de los ĂĄrboles. La ciudad ya ha perdido demasiados ĂĄrboles a la construcciĂłn, la sequĂa y las enfermedades (sobre todo un fitoplasma en el paraĂsoâMelia azedarach). Algunos miembros de âNo a la Talaâ subieron fotos de la chatarra aĂ©rea y breves notas en la pĂĄgina Facebook del grupo.
Los grupos locales pueden ser grandes. Este tiene 13,025 miembros y respondieron de inmediato. Crearon un lema, âpongan mĂĄs luces en sus cerebros, y menos en nuestros ĂĄrboles.â El periĂłdico y bloguistas locales empezaron a publicar, sugiriendo que los adornos viejos tenĂan que ser limpiados, y que los nuevos tenĂan que colocarse con mĂĄs cuidado, y no puestos en los ĂĄrboles vivos. La ciudad lentamente empieza a tomar acciĂłn, bajando algunos de los viejos cables de luces, y hay cada vez mĂĄs conciencia que los adornos hacen daĂ±o a los ĂĄrboles.
Los ĂĄrboles de la ciudad se comparten entre mucha gente, como cualquier recurso comĂșn, como el mar, el agua de riego o el terreno de pastoreo. Como el ecĂłlogo Garret Hardin observĂł hace aĂ±os en su artĂculo âLa Tragedia de los Bienes Comunes,â (1968) un recurso comĂșn es difĂcil de manejar cuando tanta gente lo usa. Sin embargo, hoy en dĂa los medios sociales pueden ayudar a la gente a fijarse en problemas, y organizarse para crear soluciones.