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The diesel wheat mills May 5th, 2019 by

The people of Yuraj Molino (‚Äúwhite mill‚ÄĚ) live surrounded by wheat fields, in a large valley near the small town of Pocona, Bolivia. As the name suggests, there have been flour mills in Yuraj Molino for some time. But by the late 1970s, customers were complaining of how long it took to grind the wheat; they got tired of waiting all day for their flour. And then millers began to notice that with the warmer, dryer climate, the streams no longer carried as much stream water, to power the mills. Some of the mills closed. Ana and I visited the ruins of a miller‚Äôs house, the yard full of weeds, with the mill still there and a calendar for 1984 still on the wall.

Other mills survived. Local miller Juan Torrico showed us his old mill house, with the canal that once brought water from the mountains. In 2001, Juan’s brother Sergio designed a new mill at the mill house. He bought two large, new stones from a master craftsman near Epizana, Cochabamba, who still carves the massive limestone wheels. Sergio bought a diesel engine, and a used truck axel. The brothers built a new mill house and mounted the stones in it, fixed the axel upright below them, and then used a steel rod to connect the axel to the diesel engine, which Sergio put in the next room. This way they kept the diesel smoke and the engine noise out of the mill room. They don’t want the smoke to spoil the delicate flavor of the flour, which people love.

Five or six other mills in the valley are also sited where old water mills used to be, near running water. But most of them are also now powered by diesel motors.

One by one the old water mills around Pocona adapted to diesel, and one or two are still using water power. The change to diesel was gradual and there was never a break in service, never a time when the farmers had no mills to go to. The mills themselves also stayed in the same places. Although the mills were originally sited to be near water, they were also near the wheat fields, and the millers owned the land where their mills were, and they had community ties to the area. So, the diesel mills stayed right where the water mills had been.

There is no research institution providing expertise on how to motorize Bolivian water mills. At some point, the millers themselves had to blend their traditional knowledge with a lot of new information about motors and old truck parts. As always, people in rural areas are constantly creating and making sophisticated adaptations to changing conditions.

Feeding the Inca Empire November 11th, 2018 by

Vea la versi√≥n en espa√Īol a continuaci√≥n

The Inca Empire depended on a road system, called the Qhapaq √Ďan, that linked its four regions from Ecuador to Chile, moving armies, laborers and food. Like beads on a necklace, the Qhapaq √Ďan was studded with grain silos, called qollqas, where food could be stored.

The largest set of these qollqas is at Cotapachi, near Cochabamba in Bolivia, 1000 km from the ancient Inca capital of Cusco, Peru. Between 1450 AD and 1500 AD, the Inca Empire built 2500 granaries at Cotapachi, on a dry ridge overlooking a small lake in the Cochabamba Valley. According to David Pereira, archaeologist and expert on the qollqas, this site was part of a vast complex, with about 1500 more qollqas on other, nearby hilltops.

Each qollqa is about 2.5 meters in diameter at its stone base and could hold perhaps 4 tons of maize. They were originally about 3 meters tall, with gently tapered cylindrical walls woven from the stems of the ch’illka plant and plastered with mud and roofed with straw of the needle grass.

In 2007, 27 of the qollqas of Cotapachi were reconstructed, so to speak. They were designed by the architect Jorge Obando Stemberg and built by soldiers from the nearby Tumusla Regiment of the Bolivian Army.  These replicas are made from adobe (mud) bricks, but they are kind of graceful in the afternoon sunlight, with the backdrop of the mountains.

Nothing is left of the other silos, except for rows and rows of stone bases.

From Cusco, the Inca could command the granary silos to be filled with maize grown in the green, irrigated fields of Cochabamba. The grain was carried to the garrison that guarded the southeast frontier at Inka Llajta, or it was sent to Cusco via the administrative settlement of Paria, in Oruro, Bolivia. A royal army passing through Cochabamba could provision its soldiers directly with the grain stored in the silos.

The grain was transported on llamas, which thrive on native Andean vegetation, but their slender backs can only carry a light pack of some 25 kg. You would need 160 llamas to haul the grain from one silo. It must have been a marvelous sight when thousands of pack llamas flowed like a river, up the stone slope to Inka Raqay, their first stop on the way to Cusco.

Like the Inka, all ancient states were built on the food and labor wrested from farmers. Some of the arrangements for commandeering and transporting that grain were as impressive as the cities they fed. The bases of grain silos may be humbler than ruined palaces, but it’s important to recognize that civilization is based on agriculture, and that farming does leave its mark on the archaeological record.

Notes

Thanks to David Pereira for sharing his insights about the Inca grain silos at Cotapachi.

The ‚Äú-s‚ÄĚ ending from Spanish is used today for Quechua plurals. In classical Quechua the qollqas would have been called ‚Äúqollqakuna‚ÄĚ.

The Inca, or Inka, was the supreme ruler of a state that was called ‚ÄúTawantinsuyu,‚ÄĚ meaning ‚Äúall four quarters‚ÄĚ.

There were actually more qollqas in the Mantaro Valley, in Peru, than in the Cochabamba Valley, but the silos in Mantaro were spread out over several sites.

Needle grass includes Stipa ichu and related species. It is called paja brava in Spanish, and ichhu in Quechua.

Ch’illka is Baccharis salicifolia.

Further reading

Eeckhout, Peter 2012 “Inca Storage and Accounting Facilities at Pachacamac.”¬†Andean Past¬†10(1):12.

Gyarmati, J√°nos and Carola Condarco Castell√≥n. Circa 2012 “Las ocupaciones prehisp√°nicas tard√≠as y el centro administrativo inkaico en la Cuenca de Paria, Altiplano de Oruro.”

Earlier blog stories

Inka Raqay, up to the underworld

Making new ruins

The tyrant of the Andes

Related videos

The grain kept at Cotapachi may have been stored for a while, or sent soon after harvest to Cusco. Weevils, moulds and other post-harvest problems have always been a challenge, and still are. For videos on handling the maize harvest on a small farm see:

Managing aflatoxins in maize during drying and storage

Managing aflatoxins in maize before and during harvest

Storing and managing maize in a warehouse

Good storing and conserving maize grain

Good shelling, sorting and drying of maize

Harvesting maize in a good way

ALIMENTANDO AL IMPERIO INCAICO

El Imperio Incaico depend√≠a de un sistema de caminos, llamado el Qhapaq √Ďan, que un√≠a sus cuatro regiones desde Ecuador hasta Chile, moviendo ej√©rcitos, trabajadores y alimentos. Como cuentas en un collar, el Qhapaq √Ďan estaba tachonado de silos de grano, llamados qollqas, donde se pod√≠an almacenar los alimentos.

El conjunto m√°s grande de estas qollqas est√° en Cotapachi, cerca de Cochabamba en Bolivia, a 1000 km de la antigua capital incaica de Cusco, Per√ļ. Entre 1450 y 1500 AD, el Imperio Incaico construy√≥ 2.500 graneros en Cotapachi, en una cresta seca con vista a un peque√Īo lago en el Valle de Cochabamba. Seg√ļn David Pereira, arque√≥logo y experto en las qollqas, este sitio formaba parte de un vasto complejo, con cerca de 1500 qollqas m√°s en las otras cimas cercanas.

Cada qollqa med√≠a unos 2,5 metros de di√°metro en su base de piedra y podr√≠a almacenar unas 4 toneladas de ma√≠z. Originalmente ten√≠an unos 3 metros de altura, con paredes cil√≠ndricas suavemente c√≥nicas tejidas a partir de los tallos de la planta ch’illka y estucados con barro y techadas con paja brava.

En el 2007, 27 de los qollqas de Cotapachi fueron reconstruidos. Fueron dise√Īados por el arquitecto Jorge Obando Stemberg y construidos por soldados del cercano Regimiento de Tumusla del Ej√©rcito Boliviano.¬† Estas r√©plicas est√°n hechas de adobes, pero son elegantes a la luz de la tarde, con el fondo de la cordillera.

No queda nada de los otros silos, excepto filas y filas de bases de piedra.

Desde Cusco, los incas podían ordenar que los silos se llenaran de maíz cultivado en los verdes campos irrigados de Cochabamba. El grano fue llevado a la guarnición que vigilaba la frontera sureste en Inka Llajta, o fue enviado a Cusco a través del asentamiento administrativo de Paria, en Oruro, Bolivia. Un ejército real que pasaba por Cochabamba podía abastecer directamente a sus soldados con el grano almacenado en los silos.

El grano fue transportado en llamas, que prosperan en la vegetación nativa andina, pero sus esbeltos lomos sólo pueden llevar una mochila ligera de unos 25 kg. Se necesitarían 160 llamas para llevar el grano de un silo. Habrá sido una vista todo un espectáculo ver a los miles de llamas cuando fluyeron como un río, por la ladera de piedra hasta Inka Raqay, su primera parada en el camino a Cusco.

Al igual que el Inka, todos los estados antiguos fueron construidos sobre los alimentos y la mano de obra arrebatada a los agricultores. Algunos de los arreglos para requisar y transportar ese grano eran tan impresionantes como las ciudades a las que alimentaban. Las bases de los silos de granos pueden ser más humildes que los palacios en ruinas, pero es importante reconocer que la civilización se basa en la agricultura, y que la agricultura deja su huella en el registro arqueológico.

Notes

Gracias David Pereira por compartir sus ideas sobre las qollqas de Cotapachi.

El sufijo ‚Äú-s‚ÄĚ del espa√Īol se usa hoy en d√≠a para plurales en quechua. En el quechua cl√°sico las qollqas se habr√°n llamado ‚Äúqollqakuna‚ÄĚ.

El Inca, o Inka, era el gobernante supremo de un estado que se llamaba “Tawantinsuyu”, que significa “los cuatro cuartos”.

Hay m√°s qollqas en el Valle de Mantaro, en el Per√ļ, que en el Valle de Cochabamba Valley, pero los silos en Mantaro estaban dispersos en varios sitios.

La paja brava incluye Stipa ichu y especies relacionadas. Se llama ichhu en quechua y needle grass en inglés.

Ch’illka es Baccharis salicifolia.

Lectura

Eeckhout, Peter 2012 “Inca Storage and Accounting Facilities at Pachacamac.”¬†Andean Past¬†10(1):12.

Gyarmati, J√°nos y Carola Condarco Castell√≥n. Circa 2012 “Las ocupaciones prehisp√°nicas tard√≠as y el centro administrativo inkaico en la Cuenca de Paria, Altiplano de Oruro.”

Earlier blog stories

Inka Raqay, up to the underworld

Making new ruins

The tyrant of the Andes

Related videos

El grano guardado en Cotapachi pudo haber sido almacenado por un tiempo, o enviado a Cusco poco despu√©s de la cosecha. Los gorgojos, mohos y otros problemas de pos-cosecha siempre han sido un desaf√≠o, y lo siguen siendo. Para ver videos sobre el manejo de la cosecha de ma√≠z en una peque√Īa granja, vea:

Manejo de aflatoxinas en maíz durante el secado y almacenamiento

Manejo de aflatoxinas en el maíz antes y durante la cosecha

Almacenar y manejar el maíz en bodega

Almacenando bien el maíz

Desgranando, seleccionando y secando bien el maíz

Cosechando el maíz bien

Feeding the ancient Andean state June 17th, 2018 by

Early states from Mesopotamia to Mesoamerica still inspire awe with their fine art and architecture. Yet the artists and soldiers who built the states needed to be fed; whatever their other accomplishments, early states were always based on agriculture. In a recent book, James Scott reminds us that early states usually collected their taxes as grain, staple crops grown on a large scale, such as maize, rice, and wheat, which are easy to store. Scott observes that there were no ancient states based on potatoes or other tuber crops. Yet he admits that the Inka were a partial exception. The Inka did have maize, but they depended largely on the potato which is bulky and perishable, making it difficult to collect and store.

This set me thinking. Inspired by Professor Scott’s excellent book, I’d like to explain how tuber crops, and the potato in particular, sustained the Inka state and provided taxes.

First, the Inka state (called Tawantinsuyu)¬†was not an early state, but had co-opted the myths and king lists of a much earlier one, Tiwanaku, which managed an empire that straddled the Andes from the Pacific Coast to the warm valleys of the Amazon Basin. Tiwanaku began as a village (about 1580 BC), but was a state by 133 AD and an empire by 724, lasting until 1187 when it collapsed in a civil war and broke up into smaller chieftainships (se√Īor√≠os) that were independent until they were later conquered by the Inka.

The capital city of Tiwanaku was built near Lake Titicaca, on the high plains of Bolivia, not far from the border of modern-day Peru. It once housed 100,000 residents and was centered on large stone buildings made of sandstone and andesite, a hard rock quarried in Peru and ferried across Lake Titicaca on ships woven from the reeds that grew in the shallow waters. Tiwanaku was created long before the first Inka, Pachacuti, organized Tawantinsuyu in Cusco starting in 1438. So the Inka’s Tawantinsuyu was a late state, patterned on the much earlier and long-lasting Empire of Tiwanaku.

But in the pre-Colombian Andes, states could collect taxes in potatoes because of an ingenious method of making them light-weight and non-perishable. The Inka and the people of Tiwanaku both knew how to freeze dry potatoes during the winter nights of the high Andes. This preserved potato is called chu√Īo: there are two types, a grey one and a white one, called tunta, which is soaked in water during processing. Both types are as hard and dry as wood. With the water removed, the potato loses weight and can be stored for years. Potatoes were portable once they were transformed into chu√Īo. The Inka taxed their subjects in chu√Īo, as well as maize. Both of these foods were kept in royal storehouses. Chu√Īo was simply soaked in water and boiled to make them edible.

The Inka Empire was large and complex, eventually spanning most of the Andes, from Ecuador to northern Argentina. Like Old World states, the Inka collected taxies in grain: maize in this case. But unlike other classic civilizations, the Inka and an earlier state, Tiwanaku were also largely sustained by a perishable tuber crop, thanks to ingenious recipes for preserving the potato as chu√Īo.

The modern cities of Peru and Bolivia have kept few vestiges of the ancient states that preceded them. But you can still buy chu√Īo in Andean markets and even at upscale supermarkets. The ancient states are gone. Their art works are now curiosities in museums, yet the crops the Inka grew and their imaginative methods of preserving and serving food are still very much alive.

Earlier blog stories

The bad old days

The tyrant of the Andes

Further reading

Finucane, Brian Clifton 2009 ‚ÄúMaize and Sociopolitical Complexity in the Ayacucho Valley, Peru.‚ÄĚ Current Anthropology 50(4):533-545.

Haas, Jonathan & Winifred Creamer 2006 ‚ÄúCrucible of Andean Civilization: The Peruvian Coast from 3000 to 1800 BC.‚ÄĚ Current Anthropology 47(5):745-775.

Horkheimer, Hans [1973] 2004 Alimentaci√≥n y Obtenci√≥n de Alimentos en el Per√ļ Prehisp√°nico. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura. Segunda edici√≥n.

Monta√Īo Dur√°n, Patricia 2016 El Imperio de Tiwanaku. Tercera Edici√≥n. Cochabamba: Grupo Editorial Kipus. 249 pp.

Scott, James C. 2017 Against the Grain: A Deep History of the Earliest States. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Making a lighter dryer June 10th, 2018 by

Vea la versi√≥n en espa√Īol a continuaci√≥n

Fundación Valles, an NGO in Bolivia that does agricultural research and development, has developed a peanut dryer that uses sunlight to help prevent groundnuts from developing the molds that produce deadly aflatoxins. The prototype model had an A-shaped metal frame, raised off the ground, and was covered in a special type of light yellow plastic sheeting known as agrofilm, able to withstand long exposure to sunshine. The dryer kept out water, and with air flowing in from the ends of the dryer, the peanuts could dry even on rainy days.

Two years ago, in Chuquisaca Fundación Valles worked with farmers to develop cheaper versions of the dryer, making the A-shaped frames from wooden poles, instead of metal, and began distributing large sheets of agrofilm, 2 by 12-meters, for which farmers paid $14, half the original cost. Fundación Valles encouraged the farmers to continue adapting the original design of the dryer. In May 2018 I visited some of these farmers together with agronomists Walter Fuentes and Rolando Rejas of Fundación Valles, to find out what had happened.

When Augusto Cuba, in Achiras, received the agrofilm from Fundación Valles in 2016, he did not put it to immediate use. The weather was dry during several harvests, but during the rainy days during the peanut harvest in May, 2018, don Augusto put the agrofilm to the test. He took a plastic tarp to his field and laid it on the ground. He covered it with freshly harvested groundnuts, cut the agrofilm in half, and then placed the six meter length on top.

Don Augusto ignored the basic design of the dryer. He didn’t want to go to all of the trouble of cutting poles and building the raised platform of wooden poles. His design was much simpler and portable: as he worked in the field he could remove the agrofilm when the sun came out, and put it back when it started to drizzle again. The main disadvantage, however, was that the air did not flow over the covered nuts; humidity could build up, allowing mold to develop.

The original tent-like dryer has several limitations. It is expensive, and as don Augusto pointed out to us, it is a lot of work to make one from wood. At harvest, peanuts are heavy with moisture. The pods lose about half their weight when dried. So farmers dry their peanuts in the field, and sleep there for several nights to protect the harvest from hungry animals. A solar dryer must be carried to the field, yet these may be up to an hours’ walk from home and involve climbing up and down steep slopes. Farmers who are using the original solar dryer, as designed by Fundación Valles, are those who have their fields close to home. Yet even taking a simple tarp to the harvesting site would be an improvement over drying the pods on the bare ground.

Later I had a chance to discuss don Augusto‚Äôs method for drying peanuts with Miguel Florido, an agronomist with Fundaci√≥n Valles, and with Mario Ar√°zola, the leader of APROMANI (a peanut farmers‚Äô association). They were concerned that don Augusto¬īs design would trap in too much moisture, especially if it was misty all day and the farmer never had a chance to remove the agrofilm. We agreed that a dryer had to have a few simple agronomic criteria; it had to keep out the rain, keep the groundnuts off the ground, and let air flow through.

After discussing don Augusto’s case, we agreed that a dryer also has to meet some of the farmers’ criteria: it has to be cheap, portable and able to handle large volumes of peanuts, while keeping them out of the rain.

Aflatoxin contamination is a serious problem worldwide, and while it can be addressed, inventing a simple technology is hard work. Researchers start with a problem and some ideas to solve it, like air flow and keeping peanuts dry. But it is only after offering farmers a prototype that researchers can see the farmers’ demands. For example, designing a stationary dryer helps researchers to see that farmers need a portable one. Making and using a small dryer in the field highlights the need for a larger one. These types of demands only emerge over time, as in having a long, slow conversation, but one that is worth having.

HACER UN SECADOR M√ĀS LIGERO

Por Jeff Bentley, 10 de junio del 2018

Fundación Valles, una ONG en Bolivia dedicada a la investigación y el desarrollo agrícola, ha desarrollado un secador de maní que usa la luz solar para ayudar a evitar que los maníes (cacahuates) desarrollen los mohos que producen aflatoxinas mortales. El modelo prototipo tenía un armazón de metal en forma de A, levantado del suelo, y estaba cubierto con un tipo especial de lámina de plástico amarillo claro conocida como agrofilm, capaz de soportar la exposición prolongada al sol. El secador no dejaba pasar el agua, y con el aire que entraba desde los extremos del secador, los maníes podrían secarse hasta en días lluviosos.

Hace dos a√Īos, en Chuquisaca, la Fundaci√≥n Valles trabaj√≥ con los agricultores para desarrollar versiones m√°s baratas del secador, haciendo los marcos en forma de A de postes de madera, en lugar de metal, y comenz√≥ a distribuir grandes l√°minas de agrofilm, de 2 por 12 metros, para lo cual los agricultores pagaban $14, la mitad del costo original. La Fundaci√≥n Valles alent√≥ a los agricultores a seguir adaptando el dise√Īo original del secador. En mayo de 2018 visit√© a algunos de estos agricultores junto con los agr√≥nomos Walter Fuentes y Rolando Rejas de la Fundaci√≥n Valles, para averiguar qu√© hab√≠a pasado.

Cuando Augusto Cuba, en Achiras, recibi√≥ el agrofilm de la Fundaci√≥n Valles en 2016, no lo puso en uso de una vez. No hac√≠a falta porque hac√≠a sol durante varias cosechas, pero cuando los d√≠as lluviosos durante la cosecha de man√≠ en mayo del 2018, don Augusto puso a prueba el agrofilm. √Čl llev√≥ una lona de pl√°stico a su parcela y la puso en el suelo. Lo cubri√≥ con man√≠ reci√©n cosechado, cort√≥ el agrofilm por la mitad y lo coloc√≥ sobre su cosecha.

Don Augusto no copi√≥ el dise√Īo b√°sico del secador. No quer√≠a tomarse la molestia de cortar postes y construir la plataforma elevada de postes de madera. Su dise√Īo era mucho m√°s simple y port√°til: mientras trabajaba en el campo, pod√≠a quitar el agrofilm cuando sal√≠a el sol y volver a colocarlo cuando comenzaba a lloviznar nuevamente. La principal desventaja, sin embargo, era que el aire no flu√≠a sobre el man√≠ cubierto; la humedad podr√≠a acumularse, posiblemente permitiendo que se forme el moho.

El secador original en forma de carpa tiene varias limitaciones. Es caro, y como nos se√Īal√≥ don Augusto, es mucho trabajo hacer uno con madera. En la cosecha, los man√≠es son pesados con la humedad. Las vainas pierden m√°s o menos la mitad de su peso en el secado. Entonces los agricultores secan su man√≠ en el campo y duermen all√≠ varias noches para proteger la cosecha de los animales hambrientos. Un secador solar debe llevarse al campo, aunque puede tardar hasta una hora a pie desde su casa e implica subir y bajar pendientes fuertes. Los agricultores que s√≠ usan el secador solar original, tal como lo dise√Ī√≥ Fundaci√≥n Valles, son aquellos que tienen sus campos cerca de la casa. Sin embargo, incluso llevar una lona simple al sitio de cosecha ser√≠a mejor que secar las vainas sobre el puro suelo.

M√°s tarde tuve la oportunidad de discutir el secador de don Augusto con Miguel Florido, un agr√≥nomo de la Fundaci√≥n Valles, y con Mario Ar√°zola, el l√≠der de APROMANI (una asociaci√≥n de agricultores de man√≠). Les preocupaba que el dise√Īo de don Augusto atrapara demasiada humedad, especialmente si estaba nublado todo el d√≠a y el agricultor no pod√≠a quitar el agrofilm. Acordamos que un secador deb√≠a tener unos pocos criterios agron√≥micos simples; deb√≠a proteger el producto de la lluvia, evitar contacto entre el suelo y los man√≠es y dejar que el aire fluyera.

Después de discutir el caso de don Augusto, acordamos que un secador también debe cumplir con algunos de los criterios de los agricultores: tiene que ser barato, portátil y capaz de manejar grandes cantidades de maní, mientras los mantiene fuera de la lluvia.

La contaminaci√≥n por aflatoxinas es un problema serio en todo el mundo, y aunque se puede solucionar, inventar una tecnolog√≠a simple es un trabajo duro. Los investigadores comienzan con un problema y algunas ideas para resolverlo, como el flujo de aire y el man√≠ seco. Pero es solo despu√©s de ofrecer a los agricultores un prototipo que los investigadores pueden ver las demandas de los agricultores. Por ejemplo, dise√Īar un secador estacionario ayuda a los investigadores a ver que los agricultores necesitan uno port√°til. Hacer y usar un peque√Īo secador en el campo resalta la necesidad de un m√°s grande. Este tipo de demandas solo surgen con el tiempo, como en una conversaci√≥n larga y lenta, pero que vale la pena tener.

A healthier way to eat groundnuts June 3rd, 2018 by

Vea la versi√≥n en espa√Īol a continuaci√≥n

Rosario Cadima is an enterprising farmer who spends two days a week buying and selling potatoes at the fair in Colomi, Cochabamba. Juan Almanza, the talented extensionist we met in last week’s blog (Videos for added inspiration), had given her a DVD with a series of agricultural learning videos aimed at farmers like her. The DVD included seven videos in Spanish, Quechua and Aymara on caring for the soil. One of the videos was about peanuts (groundnuts), which like other legumes, fixes nitrogen for the soil. Rosario recently watched the DVD with her parents, grandfather and other family members. They watched all of the videos over three nights, and she recalled them vividly.

Juan was surprised when Rosario mentioned the video on groundnuts. ‚ÄúBut you don‚Äôt grow groundnuts here,‚ÄĚ he said.

‚ÄúNo, but we buy them and eat them,‚ÄĚ Rosario said. Then she explained that she and her family sometimes bought peanuts that had a thick mold on them; they would simply wipe it off and eat the apparently clean nuts.

‚ÄúSo did we,‚ÄĚ Juan admitted.

The mold is a fungus, and it releases a poison called aflatoxin into peanuts and other stored foods. The video showed all of this, and explained that people should bury moldy food, instead of eating it.

Rosario’s family is now careful to avoid eating moldy peanuts. Farmers are also consumers and a video can help them to make better food choices. Smallholder farmers don’t always have opportunities to learn about public health matters related to the food that they produce and eat. The farmer learning videos hosted on Access Agriculture are now carrying many more messages than we first imagined. And the videos are rich enough that viewers can interpret them to learn unexpected lessons.  As we have said in our earlier blog (Potato marmalade), eating is the last step in a process that usually starts with planting a seed, so it makes sense that videos for farmers can also benefit consumers.

Watch the video

The video Managing aflatoxins in groundnuts during drying and storage is available to watch or freely download in English, Spanish and a dozen other languages.

For more videos about preparing nutritious food, please see:

Enriching porridge, baby food

Tomato concentrate and juice

Making rennet

Making fresh cheese

Pure milk is good milk

Making a condiment from soya beans

Making soya cheese

COMER MAN√ć M√ĀS SANO

Por Jeff Bentley, 3 de junio del 2018

Rosario Cadima es una AGRICULTORA emprendedora que pasa dos d√≠as a la semana comprando y vendiendo papas en la feria de Colomi, Cochabamba. Juan Almanza, el extensionista talentoso que conocimos en el blog de la semana pasada (Videos para un poco m√°s de inspiraci√≥n), le hab√≠a dado un DVD con una serie de videos de aprendizaje agr√≠cola dirigidos a agricultores como ella. El DVD incluy√≥ siete videos en espa√Īol, quechua y aymara sobre el cuidado del suelo. Uno de los videos era sobre cacahuates (man√≠es), que al igual que otras leguminosas, fija nitr√≥geno para el suelo. Rosario recientemente vio el DVD con sus pap√°s, abuelo y otros miembros de la familia. Miraron todos los videos durante tres noches, y ella los record√≥ v√≠vidamente.

Juan se sorprendi√≥ cuando Rosario mencion√≥ el video sobre man√≠. “Pero aqu√≠ no se produce man√≠”, dijo.

“No, pero los compramos y los comemos”, dijo Rosario. Luego explic√≥ que ella y su familia a veces compraban man√≠es que ten√≠an un molde grueso; simplemente lo limpiaban y com√≠an los granos, que parec√≠an limpios.

“Nosotros tambi√©n”, admiti√≥ Juan.

El moho es un hongo y libera un veneno llamado aflatoxina en los maníes y otros alimentos almacenados. El video mostró todo esto, y explicó que las personas deben enterrar el maní con moho, en vez de comerlo.

La familia de Rosario ahora tiene cuidado de no comer man√≠es con moho. Los agricultores tambi√©n son consumidores y un video puede ayudarlos a tomar mejores decisiones para con su comida. Los peque√Īos agricultores no siempre tienen la oportunidad de aprender sobre asuntos de salud p√ļblica relacionados con los alimentos que producen y comen. Los videos de aprendizaje agr√≠cola ubicados en Access Agriculture ahora llevan muchos m√°s mensajes de lo que imagin√°bamos al inicio. Y los videos son lo suficientemente ricos como para que el p√ļblico pueda interpretarlos para aprender lecciones inesperadas. Como hemos dicho en nuestro blog anterior (Mermelada de papa), comer es el √ļltimo paso en un proceso que generalmente comienza con la siembra de una semilla, por lo que tiene sentido que los videos para agricultores tambi√©n puedan beneficiar a los consumidores.

Vea el video

El video El manejo de aflatoxinas en man√≠ est√° disponible para ver o bajar gratis en ingl√©s, espa√Īol y una docena de otros idiomas.

Para más videos sobre la preparación de comida nutritiva, favor de ver:

Enriching porridge, alimento para bebés

Tomato concentrate and juice

Making rennet

Making fresh cheese

Pure milk is good milk

Making a condiment from soya beans

Making soya cheese

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